The Black Lives Matter movement (BLM) isn’t new. UK black civil rights movements can be traced to the very advent of the former British colonial slave trade. And although the Black Panthers are associated with America, they can also find roots in the experience of black people in Britain from 1968-73; as poet and former Black Power activist Linton Kwesi Johnson said, “My biggest motivation for joining the Panthers was my experience growing up as a black youth in England”.
The Black Power movement in the UK
The growth and influence of the Black Power movement accelerated in Britain during the second half of the 20th century in response to social injustices. After World War II, Caribbean workers, invited here to help rebuild a devastated and war-ravaged Britain, suffered appalling discrimination and racism. Only low-skilled jobs were open to immigrants. Increasing inter-racial tension, violence and conflict between police and black people in cities led to the 1958 Notting Hill race riots. Emblematic of a nascent hope rising from the embers, the much-lauded Notting Hill Carnival sprang out of these racial tensions when tireless anti-racist campaigner Claudia Jones organised celebrations of black culture in 1959.
In the 1960s, when the UK economy shrank, black workers suffered the most. In 1963, Paul Stephenson led the successful boycott of Bristol Omnibus Company which banned non-white drivers from employment, and by 1968, several radical Black Power groups existed in Britain.
The British Black Panther Movement was led by Altheia Jones-LeCointe, who joined the Black Panthers in the 1960s. She was responsible for recruiting many thousands of members and gave talks on anti-colonialism in schools and elsewhere. One of the people she recruited was Darcus Howe, who founded The Black Eagles and edited Black Dimension magazine, setting out demands for migrants. Howe said: “I never once believed what they wanted us to believe – that we as black people are inferior to whites.”
Rising racial tensions
Fuelled by Enoch Powell’s divisive ‘rivers of blood’ speech (1968), people took to the streets against immigration. Then, the government introduced the 1971 Immigration Act, preventing black and Asian people from entering Britain. In response, black people organised anti-racism campaigns, and the Panthers produced a newspaper, Freedom News, and led campaigns against police brutality, and discrimination in employment, housing and education.
The injustices continued. The Mangrove restaurant in Notting Hill, frequented by several high-profile black intellectuals and artists, was spuriously targeted by police under the pretence of drugs raids. Nine black activists went on trial for allegedly inciting a riot at a protest against police, including Jones-LeCointe. All charges were eventually dismissed. The New Cross fire, set by racists, killed 13 black teenagers in 1981. No one was arrested, and black communities were incensed. Increased tensions fuelled uprisings against injustice – in Brixton, Bristol, and Toxteth.
Allyhood
The Black House commune in Islington, a meeting place for disaffected black youth, was funded by Nigel Samuel, a young white millionaire – and a bag of hair that John Lennon and Yoko Ono donated for auction. Black rights groups do not fight alone. Allies have included independent race equality think tank, the Runnymede Trust; non-profits like Southall Black Sisters, Garvey’s Afro-Asia House and also an army of small independent beauty parlours, pubs, cafes and record shops.
It’s not just black groups’ fight, either. Racism and discrimination affect the whole of society and allies of all colours provide invaluable support – bringing the fight into mainstream society where the root cause lies. Allies provide moral, emotional, political, financial, and practical support – volunteering time, effort, resources and voices to the cause, in solidarity and unity.
When allies don’t help, fascism is a real danger. Remember the 1946 words of German pastor and theologian, Martin Niemöller: “Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out – Because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me – and there was no one left to speak for me.” Hatred, inequality, discrimination and racism affect us all.
Racism and discrimination persist
Today, the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities report threatens to turn the clock back: “Put simply, we no longer see a Britain where the system is deliberately rigged against ethnic minorities.” This is not the lived experience of many black British people and this false narrative impedes progress in the UK. Racism and discrimination persist, and minorities in low-paid, essential frontline jobs suffered most during the worst of the Covid-19 pandemic.
Years ago, allies risked their jobs – even their lives – to help black civil rights organisations. Nowadays, a shared meme or a ribbon on your social media profile declares token support. Being a true ally requires action, not passivity. Rhian Waters, in her article, Understanding Allyhood as a Developmental Process, asserts: “Allyhood, the process of disrupting and ending cycles of injustice for diverse others, is action-based; therefore, identity as an ally is not as important as serving as an ally by taking action.”
Whether considering the Windrush scandal, racism in football, conscious/unconscious prejudice or micro-aggressions – we need to have uncomfortable conversations, learn lessons, develop and celebrate allies, while tackling the institutional and systemic racism running deep in our society. We need black voices to be heard, and racist attitudes challenged. We can’t have true equality unless we all have equality – not through token gestures, but meaningful acts.
