Some have welcomed the recently announced devolution white paper from the UK government for its promise to beef up England’s regional powers. However, on closer inspection it becomes clear that the settlement falls far short of such arrangements already afforded to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland.
What we find represents a continuation of a top-down, centrally controlled model that will not deliver genuine self-determination. Unlike the Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish administrations, English regions will not have the power to make primary legislation.
No primary legislative power or fiscal autonomy
The devolved parliaments and assemblies of the other three nations can create laws on critical issues such as health, education, and justice. In contrast, English mayors and combined authorities operate within the constraints of frameworks set by Westminster. This leaves them with little more than the ability to administer centrally determined policy rather than shape it.
Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland control significant tax levers, including income tax, property taxes, and others. This enables them to shape their fiscal landscape according to local needs. English regions have no such powers. Their financial autonomy is limited to control over council tax and business rates, both tightly regulated by central government. They remain heavily dependent on government grants, with all their conditions and constraints.
Still answering to Westminster
Devolved governments in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland are accountable to their own parliaments or assemblies. But English combined authorities are still answerable to Westminster, with the secretary of state retaining significant oversight. The UK government can alter, reduce, or revoke powers as they decide, which puts a stranglehold on the independence of these authorities and is incompatible with genuine devolution.
Devolved administrations should control justice, welfare, health, and energy policies. In England, mayors and combined authorities do wield power in transport, skills, economic development, and sometimes housing. However, key areas such as health, welfare, and justice remain tightly controlled by central government, leaving the regions unable to address some of the most pressing social and economic issues facing their communities.
Furthermore, the devolution settlement for the regions often comes at the expense of local government. The continuing shift towards mayors and combined authorities means powers stripped away from local councils, diminishing the role of local democracy. This contrasts with the devolved nations, where local government remains a vital partner in governance. The white paper’s emphasis on ‘efficiency’ through regional consolidation could mean the erosion of truly local accountability and decision-making.
Inconsistent and unequal
The devolution settlements for Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland are clear, structured, and broadly consistent. In England, devolution deals are negotiated case-by-case, creating a patchwork of powers across regions. The disparity between what different regions receive is stark, leading to a ‘postcode lottery’. Some regions secure significantly more powers than others, with no clear rationale and no apparent means to request parity.
Perhaps the most fundamental flaw inherent in the white paper is the discretionary nature of the devolutionary powers – while Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland’s devolved powers are constitutionally entrenched, those of English regions are conditional and revocable. Powers granted to English combined authorities or mayors can be modified, withdrawn, or overridden by Westminster. This precarious arrangement falls far short of what might have been expected.
A rethink is needed
Labour’s devolutionary white paper for England is being presented as a major step forward in regional empowerment. In reality it offers very limited administrative decentralisation, and the disparity with the powers afforded to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland is stark.
English regions are left with no legislative authority, minimal fiscal autonomy, and a heavy reliance on the goodwill of Westminster. Local government’s role is reduced, and the settlement’s inconsistency creates a governance lottery for citizens around the country.
Far from being a step towards meaningful devolution, the white paper appears to be an exercise in central control dressed up as empowerment. Genuine devolution requires the ability to make laws, raise funds, and govern without Westminster interference. On these key tests, the white paper fails.
If England’s regions are to have the authority to run their affairs, as Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland already do, then this settlement will need a significant rethink.
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